by admin on February 23, 2011
Sami Awad is truly a modern-day non-violence pioneer for not only the Palestinian people, but also the rest of our world. Sami’s vision and goals for peace in the holy land provide sustainable solutions for both Israelis and Palestinians as he recognizes the necessity to heal both sides of the conflict. Sami states: “It is up to the Palestinians to do what the international community has failed to do for the Jewish people: to heal the trauma they have experienced.” Byron DeLear, author and media producer, comments: “For Sami Awad, a Palestinian, to take up the mantle with compassion for his oppressor, shows the heart of a true peacemaker in action; healing trauma through patience and understanding, squelching any fires of fear with a cool salve of love.”
Sami speaks of how it should not be the Palestinian’s sole endeavor to stop the conflict. “There has to be a dream beyond just ending the occupation: a new dream of freedom for all peoples, giving rights to minorities, justice for all, and universal basic human rights,” Sami notes.

Like many Palestinians, Sami’s story tells a history of incredible bravery, patience, and resolve despite trials and suffering. He was born an American citizen in Kansas City. His mother is from Gaza and his father is a Palestinian refugee orphan, adopted and raised by a Palestinian family. The Awad family moved from the U.S. to Bethlehem when he was 6 months old so that his father could run an orphanage in an endeavor to give gratitude for the care he was given as an orphan.
Sami says that he grew up liking Israelis: “Sure, they [soldiers] limited my way of life, but my grandmother and mother always told me to be non-violent and to love everyone.” His grandmother taught him much about the power of non-violence when, despite the shooting of his grandfather by an Israeli sniper in 1948 (the year his grandparents became refugees during the Arab-Israeli war), Sami’s grandmother still believes that it is essential to seek forgiveness and reconciliation.
As a boy, he grew up resisting the occupation with every element of his being. In his eyes, non-violence means empowerment. Through non-violent solutions to peace in Israel and Palestine, Sami finds: “You are not just freeing the oppressed, you are freeing the oppressor from the act and idea of oppression.”
Sami Awad currently lives in Bethlehem with his wife and daughters. He is the founder and director of the Holy Land Trust, a leading community empowerment and peace-building non-profit organization in Bethlehem.
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by admin on February 23, 2011
After Egypt uprising, Israel can’t afford to ignore nonviolent Palestinian protesters
As protests shake much of the Middle East, Israel should be less concerned with nonviolent Palestinian resistance movements than with what it would mean for them to fail. Israel should engage, not sideline, these groups. The alternatives for such a frustrated people aren’t peaceful.
By Janessa Gans Wilder
posted February 15, 2011 at 12:43 pm EST
Jerusalem —For the past month here in the Middle East, I’ve been immersed in studying the world of the Palestinian nonviolence and popular resistance movements, whose pulses were racing watching the mass demonstrations that toppled the governments in Egypt and Tunisia.
“We are seeing a democratic revolution in the Middle East. This is only the beginning, not an end, to the uprisings,” I was told last Saturday by Mustafa Barghouti, a former Palestinian presidential candidate and head of the Palestinian Initiative, whose popular resistance coalition garnered 20 percent of the votes in the last elections.
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Even the Palestinian government itself has felt pressure for political reform in the wake of Egypt’s uprising. On Saturday, the Palestinian Authority announced that it would call for elections in September. And President Mahmoud Abbas’s Cabinet resigned Monday under pressure from Prime Minister Salam Fayyad.
Last week, the deputy governor of Hebron, Samir Ahmad Abuznaid, connected regional and local events, as he told me that “what is happening in the region has to do with the Palestinian cause. Israel will need to reconsider its policies, because its [Arab] allies are stepping down.”
As Egyptian protesters overwhelmed the streets with celebration at their ouster of President Hosni Mubarak, Israel can no longer afford to ignore or stifle the nonviolent, popular resistance movements of the Palestinian people. These groups carry a remarkable message of healing for a region wracked with instability and division – but their ranks are losing hope. And the alternatives for such a deeply frustrated people are not peaceful protests.
Israel should be less concerned with the presence of Palestinian nonviolent demonstration movements than with what it would mean for them to fail.
Peaceful protesters losing hope
Palestinians in restaurants and coffee shops all over the West Bank are glued to their TV sets, which are broadcasting non-stop coverage of the protests from Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, and Yemen. Locals are thrilled to see Egyptians bring an end to a 30-year despotic rule with minimum casualties, in contrast to the meager results they accrued from their own failed intifadas, with thousands killed. Some have also expressed satisfaction that Israel must be feeling the heat as its traditional allies face deep internal unrest and major shifts. But none has yet offered that a third intifada is on its way in the Palestinian territories.
Certainly, though, the conditions would be ripe. Peace negotiations are in shambles; a quarter of the population is unemployed, and Palestinians are incensed by the continuing settler violence, with two Palestinian villagers killed just in the past two weeks. Mr. Barghouti said that if the people do not see results from nonviolence soon, they would resort again to the use of force. Even so, two-thirds of Palestinians in the West Banksupport a nonviolent approach, says Sami Awad, the head of Holy Land Trust, a Bethlehem-based organization focused on nonviolence.
Low-level demonstrations against the Israeli occupation are ongoing – about five or six each Friday in different parts of the West Bank. These often get dispersed quickly by Israeli troops, who set off sound bombs, and threaten protesters with tear gas and rubber bullets, as I observed first-hand last Friday. This particular demonstration was in al-Mumasarah village, comprising roughly 30 individuals, almost entirely internationals and Israeli citizens, with only a few Palestinians. I asked one of the Palestinian organizers about the small turnout, and he lamented, “The people are losing hope. The demonstrations used to be much bigger, but have yielded no results. We were not able to get back our land.”
This lost hope should concern Israel more than any peaceful protest. When the frustrations of Palestinians can no longer be channeled through peaceful demonstrations, but through massive uprisings, such movements may be led by much more sinister characters than those who quote Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr.
The healing message of nonviolence
Consider the message carried by local nonviolence heroes such as Sami Awad, Ali Abu Awwad, and Ayed Morrar – Palestinian Christians and Muslims who talked to me more about the need to assuage Israeli fear, trauma, and suffering than about Israeli occupation and brutality. Astonishingly, Mr. Awad, a Palestinian son of a refugee, told me, “We, the Palestinians, must do for the Jews what the international community failed to do – heal the trauma they have experienced. This would free both them and us.”
It simply does not get more compassionate and powerful than that, with leaders who are able to prioritize healing the trauma of the Jewish people in the face of so much immediate suffering in the Palestinian community. It’s amazing to see that these same movements are being sidelined – their leaders imprisoned, demonstrations shut down, and many protesters injured or killed. Since 2004, 21 have died in peaceful demonstrations against Israel’s separation barrier.
Nine countries in the Middle East where ‘winds of change’ are blowing
The winds of change are indeed in the air, and the whole region is being swayed by them. With American encouragement, Israel should boldly engage these groups and reward their consecrated dedication to nonviolence, instead of sidelining them. Peace requires it.
Janessa Gans Wilder, a former CIA analyst, is founder and president of Euphrates Institute. She is currently leading and teaching a semester study abroad to the Middle East, focused on peace and sustainability.
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by admin on January 26, 2011
Welcome to WordPress. This is your first post. Edit or delete it, then start blogging!
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by admin on November 9, 2009

EI's Janessa Gans with Congressman Wally Herger (CA)
A couple weeks ago, I attended the first national conference of J Street, the new moderate voice–pro-Israel, pro-peace, on the Israel debate that has exploded on to the scene, to the elation of some and the chagrin of others, (namely, AIPAC.) They had two plus full days of notable speakers, including Jim Jones, National Security Adviser, and a whole host of Israeli and Palestinian speakers. The third day over 700 of us lobbied on the hill on behalf of strong American leadership to exert pressure on Israelis and Palestinians, (acknowledging that they will not do so on their own), to forge a solution–a final solution, that is–sooner rather than later. I got to meet with the Congressman Wally Herger, (R-CA) of my hometown, Redding. After my mom (another huge fan of J Street!) and I thanked him for nominating my brother to the Naval Academy so many years ago, tried to impress upon him that he has constituents heavily invested and involved in the Middle East, and the importance of a voice like J Street. He wanted to know the differences between J Street and AIPAC, acknowledging that AIPAC “comes in here all the time”. Would that J Street could be as big a player!
Interestingly, Tom Friedman today came out with an op-ed that suggests to do the exact opposite of what we were lobbying the Hill to do. Friedman maintains that the U.S. wants the peace process to continue more than they do, and we should back off and go home.
I met a fascinating guy, Byron DeLear, who happened to be from St. Louis, had attended the Principia Upper School, and with whom I shared some acquaintances. (I taught the past couple years at Principia College…) His wife, Rebecca Tobias, works for United Religions Initiatives, a groundbreaking, interfaith institution. Byron writes a column for examiner.com, and has put together the best wrap-up of the conference of any I’ve read. Check it out here!
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by admin on September 21, 2009
CSMonitor article “Across the Middle East, what would never happen in polite company now appears on broadcasts of The Doha Debates – discussion of controversy.” Check out this recent article from the CSMonitor, to which a student alerted me. I’m a huge fan of debating. I ran debates for many of my classes at Principia, and my students found they were helpful in teaching the skills and art of vocal persuasion. How wonderful to think of this catching on in the Middle East, especially around the topic of off-limits and taboo topics. It would be so much better for a discussion to end up in new levels of meaning rather than violence. Heck, we should be expanding its use in the U.S. as well, as a way to bring back wit, civility, logic, and background into the public debate!
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by admin on September 11, 2009
In thinking about today and its significance, I thought I’d share a letter I wrote to friends and family from my post in Baghdad on September 11, 2004. Thanks for reading and sharing your comments. Wishing you all a blessed day…
September 11, 2004
I know a man here in Baghdad who is from New York and who lost 61 people from his neighborhood on September 11, 2001. I asked him how he felt today. He recounted that after 9/11, he went up to New York from Florida (where he was living at the time) to support his friends and their families, the guys from his neighborhood, many of whom, being firemen and policemen, were part of the unfolding events of that day. He told me with tears in his eyes that they told him when they pulled up to the World Trade Center that they all knew that some of them would die that day; yet they did not question for a moment going in. They went into those buildings, helped the disabled and the elderly and, with a joke and a smile, said, “Don’t worry, we’ll take care of you.” He commented that it surprised him that the country and the world marveled at what they called heroism during these circumstances. They didn’t consider themselves heroes; it was just what you do. This was how they were raised: duty, honor, and loyalty were everything. This man told me no question 9/11 and those guys are the reason he is here today risking his own life in Iraq.
I so appreciate the reminder that acting with honor, risking everything, loyalty, and duty to God and our fellow man are not supernatural acts of heroism, but are just what you do, what God made us capable of doing. I am grateful to be reminded that no loss can occur from such action, since we can’t really lose anything when we are doing what God would have us do. I am constantly in awe, inspired, and humbled by the tremendous acts of courage, commitment, and love that I see daily here on all sides, Iraqi, American, European, etc. I start the day greeting the gurkas that protect our compound day and night, which must be a terribly boring duty just to check badges and stand guard. These gurkas who are so mild-mannered, polite, and cheery, but who are highly trained killers. (A Marine who tried to test the resolve of one of the gurkas by creeping up behind him almost had his throat slit in an instant.) I then make it to the Embassy where more than half of the political officers are married with kids at home — both women and men — who volunteered to serve in a war zone away from their family, work ridiculous hours and live in cramped conditions. Although many express cynicism at times, I have not found one person who does not believe that he can make a difference here and who does not admit that that is truly why he is here. I am fortunate to spend all day with Iraqis from all backgrounds, faiths, and experiences, ranging from returning expatriates who had fled Saddam’s regime and lived comfortable lives abroad but who returned to deplorable and dangerous conditions just to help rebuild their country, and others who stayed and endured the full brutality and hardships of the Baathist regime. I am moved by not only the stories of their past and what they have endured but their unwavering commitment, grace, and hope for the future in the face of situations and conditions that do not seem to be improving.
Every day is 9/11 here. Every day we are looking up at that World Trade Center, knowing that someone may die today, but it is just what you do. You smile at the gurka, say “hooah” to the Marine, march up Saddam’s palace’s crumbled steps, throw on your body armor and helmet, and face the day.
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by admin on July 29, 2009
A couple nights ago at Principia College, I got to introduce Tom Quiggin, a Canadian expert on jihadism, who gave the best talk on terrorism I’ve ever heard. This is actually saying a lot given the countless briefings and talks I’ve heard on the topic. Most speakers either oversimplify the problem or they get stuck in the weeds with enormous detail. Tom has found “the simplicity on the other side of complexity,” and was able to combine big-picture sense with detailed evidence of the terrorism phenomenon. The audience was captivated the entire time, even though Tom spoke quickly and shared detailed information on a wide range of groups, networks, problems, trends, and solutions.
His talk was entitled, “Terrorism: From Fear to Knowledge and Solutions.” And he definitely delivered on it–leaving the audience with a feeling of hope and empowerment. The guy was nice enough to stay two more hours to take questions, and then drove an hour the next morning back to campus to speak to two of my Summer Session classes on “Rising Religious Fundamentalism” and “America’s Role in a Globalized World.”
Tom debunked many myths on terrorism, i.e. “No, suicide bombing is NOT sanctioned by Islam.” And “Guess what? Major terrorists largely come from good backgrounds: educated, middle class, non-religious (or religious in name only) families.” He also gave an over view of al Qa’ida’s decline over the past few years, and the importance of the DIME approach to combating terrorism: Diplomacy, Intelligence, Military, Economics. He said the military should only constitute about 7 percent of that equation, since terrorism is a political ideology and has to be defeated with ideas, not just with military might.
He also raised the important point that terrorists’ key aim is to intimidate the public and to instill fear in their minds. So, if we don’t respond with fear, then their objective has failed. Tom reinforced how vigilant we should be in not allowing that fear to take over our thinking or our society. I found that to be an extremely helpful and important point!
Here is a very incomplete bio.
Tom Quiggin is a 20 year veteran of the intelligence world and has worked in an intelligence capacity for a number of agencies such as the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the International War Crimes Tribunal, the Privy Council Office, Citizenship and Immigration Canada, the UN and the Canadian Armed Forces. He is also a court qualified expert on jihadism. His area of expertise as noted by the Court in 2005 was the “Structure, organization and evolution of the global jihadist movement.” He has a recently completed sole author book on national security intelligence requirements (Seeing the Invisible: National Security Intelligence in an Uncertain World, Feb 2007). He has also written numerous book chapters and articles on security, intelligence and terrorism in the UK, Germany, the Netherlands, The USA, Singapore and Canada. He is currently an Adjunct Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU, Singapore.
I wish Tom were on the news every night or in Washington briefing our experts on terrorism. But perhaps even more so, I hope he’ll go on the road and take his exciting and informative briefing to the masses, who would learn so much from what he has to say. He’s able to see connections in a broader and deeper way, given his varied and diverse background in so many fields and regions. He’s an invaluable asset to our struggle to combat terrorism in the most effective manner. Spread the word!
Here’s a short write-up about a similar talk he gave…expert184207.html
Best to all…
Janessa
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by admin on May 25, 2009
On this Memorial Day, it seems appropriate to highlight the example of Andrew J. Bacevich, the author of a fascinating book, The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism. Bacevich lost his son, Andrew Bacevich Jr. in Iraq, but shies away from discussing the issue. He did talk about it briefly with Bill Moyers last August, in a moving interview, well worth watching in its entirety. (Bill Moyers\’ interview)
Following Bacevich’s lead, perhaps on this day we can begin thinking of how we can support our soldiers in meaningful ways by becoming truly engaged with our nation’s foreign policy and its actions abroad, not just by placing stickers on our cars.
Here is a brief excerpt:
BILL MOYERS: You say, and this is another one of my highlighted sentences, that “Anyone with a conscience sending soldiers back to Iraq or Afghanistan for multiple combat tours, while the rest of the country chills out, can hardly be seen as an acceptable arrangement. It is unfair. Unjust. And morally corrosive.” And, yet, that’s what we’re doing.
ANDREW BACEVICH: Absolutely. And I think – I don’t want to talk about my son here.
BILL MOYERS: Your son?
ANDREW BACEVICH: Yeah.
BILL MOYERS: You dedicate the book to your son.
ANDREW BACEVICH: Yeah. Well, my son was killed in Iraq. And I don’t want to talk about that, because it’s very personal. But it has long stuck in my craw, this posturing of supporting the troops. I don’t want to insult people.
There are many people who say they support the troops, and they really mean it. But when it comes, really, down to understanding what does it mean to support the troops? It needs to mean more than putting a sticker on the back of your car.
I don’t think we actually support the troops. We the people. What we the people do is we contract out the business of national security to approximately 0.5 percent of the population. About a million and a half people that are on active duty.
And then we really turn away. We don’t want to look when they go back for two or three or four or five combat tours. That’s not supporting the troops. That’s an abdication of civic responsibility. And I do think it – there’s something fundamentally immoral about that.
Again, as I tried to say, I think the global war on terror, as a framework of thinking about policy, is deeply defective. But if one believes in the global war on terror, then why isn’t the country actually supporting it? In a meaningful substantive sense?
Where is the country?
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by admin on May 19, 2009
Yesterday, President Obama met Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, in which Netanyahu emphasized the Iranian threat to Israel’s security above all. Security has always been Israel’s number one concern, understandably, given the history of atrocities Jews have faced. For Palestinians, the key issue is justice–righting, or at least acknowledging the wrongs done to them in the creation of Israel in their midst, beginning with a United Nations partition plan that placed over half of the land in Jewish hands, even though Arabs comprised two-thirds of the population. What is lacking in the security-justice equation is the obvious–peace. Netanyahu said in the meeting, “Everybody in Israel, as in the United States, wants peace.” Sure, majorities on both sides want peace, and yet, it continues to be elusive.
Yesterday too, I re-watched the documentary Encounter Point with my students of my History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict class. It is an incredibly powerful film, portraying a group of Israelis and Palestinians, who have lost loved ones due to the conflict, and yet are championing reconciliation, non-violence, and true peace. If those very individuals who have lost the most to this conflict can put their fears and tragedies behind them and work together, why can’t the leadership? These are the true unsung heroes, whose efforts deserve American attention, support, and bolstering.
From the Encounter Point website, “If you lost your loved ones to violence…If you spent ten years in prison…If conflict drove you from your home…Would you seek revenge? Or would you struggle for peace?”

Encounter Point
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by admin on April 17, 2009
I’m thrilled this piece was published in the new weekly edition of the Christian Science Monitor on the theme of a documentary Casey Hayward and I are working on, and for which we completed a fact-finding trip to the region, including Iraq, a few weeks ago.

Former Iraqi Prime Minister Ja'fari and Janessa Gans
We came back with ten hours of footage we now get to wade through to put together a short “teaser” video to help secure funding for a return trip in the fall to finish filming. Would love to hear your feedback on the theme and the ideas!
The dictator in Iraqi hearts must be toppled
Real change requires shifts at the individual level nudged by programs that focus on respect and accomodation.
By Janessa Gans
BAGHDAD
The contrast between the Baghdad I saw in 2006 and the Baghdad I saw last month seemed nothing short of miraculous.
Families gathered and picnicked in parks along the Tigris River. Baghdad University students danced at a party on campus. Restaurants and shops were bustling. I even rode around town in an unarmored car and walked down a busy market street without body armor, a previously unthinkable occurrence.
To my Western eyes, life in the war-torn capital seemed surreally normal. The Iraqis who spoke with our documentary crew, however, saw things differently. They emphasized the tenuous and fragile nature of the positive changes they’ve experienced. Indeed, two bombings wounded seven Iraqis on the same crowded street I had walked a day earlier. As a university student explained, “We are no longer the land of the dead. But we have yet to fully become the land of the living. We know we could die at any moment.”
The trip also revealed some ways that Iraq had changed for the worse, such as the level of corruption. I experienced firsthand why Iraq ranks just above failed state Somalia as the second most-corrupt country in the world, according to the Berlin-based organization Transparency International.
Not only did our fixer have to pay “tips” to secure even the most basic appointments, but also to secure a police escort on some of our excursions.
One day we asked if we could visit a school in a sketchy neighborhood in Baghdad. “You will never be able to afford it,” he demurred, since it would not only require the usual pay-off to the police, but would also require topping the exorbitant amount our police escort could potentially get from extremists for our heads.
Change on the political front, meanwhile, has largely been perfunctory. The recent provincial elections, while fair overall, awarded more power to one Islamist party over another and showed Iraqis’ penchant for a strongman who will take charge.
The vote that bolstered the party of the centralizing and increasingly authoritarian Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki was a natural reaction to the corrupt and ineffective government ushered in by the democratic process, explained politicians.
“Democracy? What does that mean?” grunted a Sunni politician. “To the people, democracy means only a paralyzed process and a chaotic security situation.” Maliki, he continued, was evincing a growing, “Saddam-like” leadership style, and was cloaking his tribal and sectarian tendencies in nationalist rhetoric for broader appeal.
With a Saddam-like government and a strawlike security situation ready for the wolf to blow it down, I began to wonder what, if any, real change had occurred in Iraq.
The answer was virtually none – yet. But, Iraqis assured me, it’s because “real change takes time – generations.”
The shock caused by the US-led toppling of the Hussein regime was just that – a shock, not an instant transformation of an entire people’s psyche from that of demoralized individuals to democratic citizens. For the first time, I realized how greatly Washington overestimated Iraq’s ability to weather the stormy shift – in just days! – from a totalitarian regime to a political void into which a disorganized and unprepared America stepped in to build democracy. To go from all to nothing is an unsettling shock, to put it mildly. No wonder looting and chaos erupted so quickly.
America succeeded in removing the official dictator, but the real, societal change that will remove the dictatorship from within each Iraqi heart – and prevent it from happening again – will require time and will be done by Iraqis themselves.
This change, and the promise of an Iraq as a tolerant, pluralist, open, law-bound society is not likely to grow from a political process that’s absorbed by power amalgamation and interest preservation. Real change requires small, gradual shifts at the societal and individual level through improved education, and programs that focus on respect, tolerance, and religious accommodation.
Also, Iraqis need outlets and opportunities to come to terms with the traumas and injustices of the past, and to support the groups that help reintegrate the large number of victims back into society. We met many such individuals and organizations who are laying the groundwork for this long-term societal and cultural change. These unsung heroes of Iraq are working against wide-ranging and powerful forces, from a government that distrusts and seeks to control their efforts, to armed groups who directly attack them, to a lack of outside funding and support.
Although this type of grass-roots reform is at odds with the quick fixes on which American policy generally focuses, it does present the only road to permanent, lasting change.
Former Prime Minister Ibrahim Jafari told me he likened the process to a long, hard slog up a mountain. The US helped by putting Iraq on the path that leads to the top, but Iraq was still at the bottom and needed to do the hard work of climbing. It’s not a given that Iraq will stay on this path. The threat of a coup is real. Lethal bombs and attacks are increasing again. Corruption and archaic bureaucracy cripple economic growth.
As US troops gear up for their planned withdrawal, they will leave behind an Iraq that is weak, fractured, and dehumanized, but it is at least on the path. We must ensure it stays there.
Janessa Gans, president of the Euphrates Institute, was a US official in Iraq for almost two years. She’s currently working on a documentary on Iraqi organizations that promote understanding, tolerance, and peace.
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